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Cash transfer programs and intimate partner violence – Lessons from 3 case studies around the globe

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most pervasive form of violence globally—with 1 in 3 women physically or sexually abused by a partner in her lifetime. IPV has multiple malign consequences for the physical and mental health of women, as well as a range of adverse effects on their children. While these consequences are well documented, there is less evidence on the effectiveness of policies and programs in reducing IPV in the developing world.

March 5, 2018 by PIM Leave a Comment

 

A study participant in Bangladesh holding her beneficiary card, surrounded by her family. Photo: Shalini Roy, IFPRI.

 

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most pervasive form of violence globally—with 1 in 3 women physically or sexually abused by a partner in her lifetime. IPV has multiple malign consequences for the physical and mental health of women, as well as a range of adverse effects on their children. While these consequences are well documented, there is less evidence on the effectiveness of policies and programs in reducing IPV in the developing world. Drawing mainly from Latin America, several recent studies find evidence that cash transfer programs, targeted primarily to women, can reduce IPV. Given that cash transfer programs are widespread around the world – implemented in over 130 countries and reaching approximately 718 million people globally – they represent a promising, scalable, globally-relevant approach to reducing IPV. However important questions remain as to the generalizability of existing findings.

 

In this webinar, we will briefly describe a framework for potential pathways through which transfers can affect IPV, then showcase 3 PIM-funded studies that explore important knowledge gaps on the impacts of transfer programs on IPV. The three case studies draw from countries around the globe – Ecuador, Bangladesh, and Mali – and address 3 distinct policy-relevant questions about how transfer programs can reduce IPV:

  1. Does the modality of transfer provided – food, cash, voucher – matter for impacts on IPV? (Ecuador)
  2. What happens to IPV after a transfer program ends, and does it depend on complementary activities provided along with transfers?  (Bangladesh)
  3. What are the impacts on IPV when cash transfers are targeted primarily to men, and does it depend on household structure? (Mali)

 

We conclude with lessons learned from these case studies that can inform future policy aimed at using transfers to reduce IPV.

 

See: http://pim.cgiar.org/2018/03/05/cash-transfer-programs-and-intimate-partner-violence-lessons-from-3-case-studies-around-the-globe/

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